civil disobedience

is a form of address to the sense of justice of the community and should not exert pressure on the state by non-cooperation of the kind that gandhi commended.

for Rawls civil disobedience is a form of address to the sense of justice of the community and he does not permit civil disobedients to exert pressure on the State by non-cooperation of the kind that Gandhi commended.

is a public, non-violent, conscientious yet political act contrary to law usually done with the aim of bringing about a change in the law or policies of the government'. The civil disobedient should submit themselves to punishment.

a public, non-violent, conscientious yet political act contrary to law usually done with the aim of bringing about a change in the law or policies of the government' . . . the civil disobedient should submit themselves to punishment . . . should not be coercive . . . requires fundamental violations of rights . . . only done by those with 'a habit of willing obedience to laws'. . .

is an illegal act, usually on the part of collective actors, that is public, principled, and symbolic in character, involving primarily nonviolent means of protest, and an appeal to the capacity for reason and the sense of justice of the populace.

Civil disobedience involves illegal acts, usually on the part of collective actors, that are public, principled, and symbolic in character, involved primarily nonviolent means of protest, and appeal to the capacity for reason and the sense of justice of the populace. The aim of civil disobedience is to persuade public opinion in civil and political society (or economic society) that a particular law or policy is illegitimate and a change is warranted' (Cohen and Arato 1992: 587-8).

is not recommended against basically unjust regimes because they may be aroused to 'more repressive measures if the calculation of advantages points in this direction.

Rawls is reluctant to commend civil disobedience against basically unjust regimes because he fears that such regimes may, unlike near-just regimes which would behave more humanely, be aroused to 'more repressive measures if the calculation of advantages points in this direction' (theory of justice 387).

is part of the communication between the weak and strong publics of civil and political society. It is important in that it serves to reassure minorities that decisions are not fixed.

For Habermas (1996), civil disobedience is part of the communication between the weak and strong publics of civil and political society, and important in terms of the revisable nature of law and decision-making, which serves to reassure minorities that decisions are not fixed'

is the obligation for anyone in a free society to break the law when the laws are unjust.

Anyone in a free society where the laws are unjust has an obligation to break the law. Henry David Thoreau

is not about submitting voluntarily to the legal penalty in unjust regimes, for to so submit would 'not only be to play into the hands of forces that he believes cannot be trusted, but also to express a recognition of the legitimacy of the constitution to which he is opposed.

Rawls advises the resister in basically unjust regimes not to submit voluntarily to the legal penalty, for to so submit would 'not only be to play into the hands of forces that he believes cannot be trusted, but also to express a recognition of the legitimacy of the constitution to which he is opposed' (T. of J., p 367

 gets its moral authority by the willingness to suffer the penalties from disobeying a law, even if one believes that law is unjust.

Thoreau points out clearly that civil disobedience gets its moral authority by the willingness to suffer the penalties from disobeying a law, even if you think that law is unjust. Michael Hayden

civil disobedience, n.All

civil disobedience