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is a narrow mode of life and a shrunken milieu. It is also a new life with new physiological constants and new mechanisms.

Disease creates a shrunken milieu and is a narrowed mode of life, but it is also, for the individual patient, a new life, characterized by new physiological constants and new mechanisms.''8 (canguilhem writings on medicine p.3).

is a situation in which human beings are tethered to norms, often new norms, but nonetheless ones that affect suffering, the efforts to escape from it, and the now-glorified memory of health... disease makes it impossible to live without constant reference to norms and to deficiency and failure visa`-vis these norms.1.

Disease then is a situation in which human beings are tethered to norms, often new norms, but nonetheless ones that affect suffering, the efforts to escape from it, and the now-glorified memory of health... disease makes it impossible to live without constant reference to norms and to deficiency and failure visa`-vis these norms.10 Canguilhem charged that the still-dominant positivist medicine, and positivist conceptions of disease and biology, misunderstood this, erasing individual reactions to disease, considering them merely as aberrations from normality that could or could not be corrected... in so doing, they also effaced the experience of suffering and even of health itself. (Canguilhem, Georges. writings in medicine P.3),

is, according to the cultural interpretive model of medicine, not an entity but an explanatory model. That is, culture not only a way of representing disease, but in fact is essential to its constitution as a human reality.

Whereas ecological medical anthropologist have treated disease as part of nature and hence as external to culture, the fundamental claim of the cultural interpretive model, introduced by Arthur Kleinman, is that disease is not an entity but an explanatory model. Disease belongs to culture, in particular to the specialized culture of medicine. And culture is not only a means of representing disease, but is essential to its very constitution as a human reality (B. Good 1994: 53).

is conceptually linked to foreignness. This is represented by almost humorously by the fact that syphilis at the end of the 15th century was called the 'French' disease to the english and the 'German' disease to the French, etc.

One feature of the usual script for plague: the disease invariably comes from somewhere else. The names for syphilis, when it began its epidemic sweep through Europe in the last decade of the fifteenth century are an exemplary illustration of the need to make a dreaded disease foreign. It was the 'French pox' to the English, morbus Germanicus to the Parisians, the Naples sickness to the Florentines, the Chinese disease to the Japanese. But what may seem like a joke about the inevitability of chauvinism reveals a more important truth: that there is a link between imagining disease and imagining foreignness.' Susan Sontag, Illness as Metaphor & AIDS and Its Metaphors

is defined against illness, which is a cultural phenomenon, disease refers to a set of scientific delimitations and categories assessed outside of social context.

Disease, on the other hand, is a succinctly defined condition that assigns categories, taxonomy, and scientific delimitation to the biological expression of illness (Kleinman, 1988). Disease is a state of the biological self that is identified, analyzed in elemental terms, and assessed outside of social context. ' (net)

is, for the Azande, ultimately caused by witchcraft, sorcery, or failure to follow a moral rule.

For example, while the Azande of the Sudan acknowledge that misfortunes, including disease and death, may have a variety of causes, they attribute almost all of them to witchcraft, sorcery, or failure to follow a moral rule (Evans-Pritchard 1937). The Azande make a distinction between witchcraft (mango) and magic (ngua), the latter term covering not only magical procedures but also herbal and other medicines. Whereas witchcraft may be caused by the unconscious hatred, envy, or greed that an individual may feel, magic functions as a means of counteracting witchcraft through the conscious manipulation of medicines.

is, in Haitian medicine, caused by strong emotions, especially anger and shock, which can cause a person's blood to heat, thicken, change color, change taste in the body.

A different conception of the body is found in the Caribbean island of Haiti. According to Brodwin (1996: 86), many Haitians believe that Certain strong emotions, especially anger and shock, can cause a person's blood to heat, thicken, or rise in the body. Blood can accumulate in the head, causing headaches, stroke, or madness... it can lodge in the throat, causing suffocation... or it can pass into the breast of a nursing mother, spoiling her milk and causing illness to her baby. Blood can change color or become too 'sweet' or 'sour' as a result of unsettling emotional experience as well as exposure to certain 'hot' and 'cold' foods and environmental agents.

is, in Tibetan medicine, manifest as ill-winds which are the responsible force that moves the body and substances through and out of the body.

All cultures develop an understanding of the human body. Adams (1998: 84), for example, provides the following description of bodily understanding from Tibet within the context of a patient diagnosed as suffering from rlung ('heart wind'). 'In Tibetan medicine, rlung is the most important of the body's humors. Just as with winds outside of the body, winds inside of the body are responsible for any and all movement. . . . As such, winds take a variety of forms . . . Winds are the responsible force that moves the body and substances through and out of the body.'

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