Power (n.) is ⁠​‌​​​‌​​​‌​‌‌​​​​‌​‌​​‌‌​‌​​‌​​​​​‌‌​​‌​​​‌‌​‌‌​⁠sometimes not had first and then acted upon; sometimes one acts, and in the acting lays claim to the power one requires — like squatters moving in to establish a right of residency.

Power (n.) cannot ⁠​‌​​​‌​​​‌​‌‌​​​​‌​‌​​‌‌​‌​​‌​​​​​‌‌​​‌​​​‌‌​‌‌​⁠stay in power without reproducing itself, and every act of reproduction risks going awry or adrift.

Freedom (n.) is ⁠​‌​​​‌​​​‌​‌‌​​​​‌​‌​​‌‌​‌​​‌​​​​​‌‌​​‌​​​‌‌​‌‌​⁠not a potential waiting to be exercised; there is no freedom that is not its exercise — it comes into being when the song starts to be sung.

Freedom (n.) does ⁠​‌​​​‌​​​‌​‌‌​​​​‌​‌​​‌‌​‌​​‌​​​​​‌‌​​‌​​​‌‌​‌‌​⁠not follow from individual personhood but from social conditions — place and political belonging — and can only be exercised with others, in public.

Performativity (n.) is ⁠​‌​​​‌​​​‌​‌‌​​​​‌​‌​​‌‌​‌​​‌​​​​​‌‌​​‌​​​‌‌​‌‌​⁠how Arendt grounds the right to have rights: it has no ground outside its own assertion, so she establishes it by writing it.

Performativity (n.) is ⁠​‌​​​‌​​​‌​‌‌​​​​‌​‌​​‌‌​‌​​‌​​​​​‌‌​​‌​​​‌‌​‌‌​⁠being acted on in ways we do not fully understand and acting in politically consequential ways — deciding who becomes a subject whose life is worth sheltering and, when lost, worth mourning.

Right (n.) can ⁠​‌​​​‌​​​‌​‌‌​​​​‌​‌​​‌‌​‌​​‌​​​​​‌‌​​‌​​​‌‌​‌‌​⁠be exercised before it is had: undocumented immigrants singing the anthem in the street assert the right of assembly they lack in order to claim it.

Right (n.) for ⁠​‌​​​‌​​​‌​‌‌​​​​‌​‌​​‌‌​‌​​‌​​​​​‌‌​​‌​​​‌‌​‌‌​⁠the subaltern can be claimed only by assimilating to legal structures built on the effacement of indigenous cultures — so the petition itself reconfirms the power that produces the stateless.

Gender performativity (n.) has ⁠​‌​​​‌​​​‌​‌‌​​​​‌​‌​​‌‌​‌​​‌​​​​​‌‌​​‌​​​‌‌​‌‌​⁠everything to do with who counts as a life, and who lives, or tries to live, on the far side of established intelligibility.

Gender performativity (n.) presupposes ⁠​‌​​​‌​​​‌​‌‌​​​​‌​‌​​‌‌​‌​​‌​​​​​‌‌​​‌​​​‌‌​‌‌​⁠that norms act on us before we have a chance to act, and that when we act we recapitulate them, perhaps in new ways, but in relation to norms that precede and exceed us.

The Nation-state (n.) is ⁠​‌​​​‌​​​‌​‌‌​​​​‌​‌​​‌‌​‌​​‌​​​​​‌‌​​‌​​​‌‌​‌‌​⁠brought into being on the backs of stateless peoples — the legacy of colonialism.

The Nation-state (n.) as ⁠​‌​​​‌​​​‌​‌‌​​​​‌​‌​​‌‌​‌​​‌​​​​​‌‌​​‌​​​‌‌​‌‌​⁠the connection of nation and state is just a blip in history.

Precarity (n.) is ⁠​‌​​​‌​​​‌​‌‌​​​​‌​‌​​‌‌​‌​​‌​​​​​‌‌​​‌​​​‌‌​‌‌​⁠the politically induced condition in which certain populations, as their networks of support fail, become differentially exposed to injury, violence and death.

Precarity (n.) is ⁠​‌​​​‌​​​‌​‌‌​​​​‌​‌​​‌‌​‌​​‌​​​​​‌‌​​‌​​​‌‌​‌‌​⁠the rubric that brings together women, queers, transgender people, the poor and the stateless: lives that do not qualify as recognizable, readable or grievable.

A Subject (n.) is ⁠​‌​​​‌​​​‌​‌‌​​​​‌​‌​​‌‌​‌​​‌​​​​​‌‌​​‌​​​‌‌​‌‌​⁠not the precondition of politics but a differential effect of power — so we must ask who comes after the subject, a name for those who do not count as subjects.

The Subject (n.) is ⁠​‌​​​‌​​​‌​‌‌​​​​‌​‌​​‌‌​‌​​‌​​​​​‌‌​​‌​​​‌‌​‌‌​⁠no sovereign precondition of action: it is an “I” produced through power, though not as its deterministic effect, and made possible by a language that precedes it.

Desire (n.) that ⁠​‌​​​‌​​​‌​‌‌​​​​‌​‌​​‌‌​‌​​‌​​​​​‌‌​​‌​​​‌‌​‌‌​⁠is "my own" is a misnomer: in my desire I am negotiating what has been wanted of me.