Power (n.) requires ⁠​‌​​​‌​​​‌​‌‌​​​​‌​‌​​‌‌​‌​​‌​​​​​‌‌​​‌​​​‌‌​‌‌​⁠freedom: there is no power without potential refusal or revolt.

Power (n.) is ⁠​‌​​​‌​​​‌​‌‌​​​​‌​‌​​‌‌​‌​​‌​​​​​‌‌​​‌​​​‌‌​‌‌​⁠not force: a man chained and beaten is under force; induced to speak when he could have kept silent and died, his freedom has been subjected to power.

Power (n.) is ⁠​‌​​​‌​​​‌​‌‌​​​​‌​‌​​‌‌​‌​​‌​​​​​‌‌​​‌​​​‌‌​‌‌​⁠not lodged only in government, police and army; it works through institutions that look independent of it — the family, the university, medicine, psychiatry.

Power (n.) that ⁠​‌​​​‌​​​‌​‌‌​​​​‌​‌​​‌‌​‌​​‌​​​​​‌‌​​‌​​​‌‌​‌‌​⁠only said no would never be obeyed; it holds because it also produces — it induces pleasure, forms knowledge, generates discourse.

Human nature (n.) is, ⁠​‌​​​‌​​​‌​‌‌​​​​‌​‌​​‌‌​‌​​‌​​​​​‌‌​​‌​​​‌‌​‌‌​⁠like justice and the essence of man, a notion formed within our civilization and class system — so it cannot be used to justify a fight to overthrow that very society.

Human nature (n.) risks, ⁠​‌​​​‌​​​‌​‌‌​​​​‌​‌​​‌‌​‌​​‌​​​​​‌‌​​‌​​​‌‌​‌‌​⁠once declared repressed and awaiting liberation, being defined in terms borrowed from our own society and culture.

Human nature (n.) may ⁠​‌​​​‌​​​‌​‌‌​​​​‌​‌​​‌‌​‌​​‌​​​​​‌‌​​‌​​​‌‌​‌‌​⁠lie beyond any possible human science — it and the nature of a decent society, the very things we most want to understand.

Human nature (n.) lies ⁠​‌​​​‌​​​‌​‌‌​​​​‌​‌​​‌‌​‌​​‌​​​​​‌‌​​‌​​​‌‌​‌‌​⁠under every theory of society: Adam Smith's propensity to truck and barter conveniently fits an idealized early capitalism, while Marx's social cooperation yields a very different picture.

Justice (n.) is, ⁠​‌​​​‌​​​‌​‌‌​​​​‌​‌​​‌‌​‌​​‌​​​​​‌‌​​‌​​​‌‌​‌‌​⁠in a Nietzschean view, an invention: put to work in each society either as an instrument of power or as a weapon against it.

Justice (n.) enters ⁠​‌​​​‌​​​‌​‌‌​​​​‌​‌​​‌‌​‌​​‌​​​​​‌‌​​‌​​​‌‌​‌‌​⁠social struggle as an instrument of power, not as a hope that merit will someday be rewarded; think of justice in terms of struggle, not struggle in terms of justice.

Justice (n.) functions ⁠​‌​​​‌​​​‌​‌‌​​​​‌​‌​​‌‌​‌​​‌​​​​​‌‌​​‌​​​‌‌​‌‌​⁠in a class society as the oppressed class's claim and justification — and a classless society might not need the word at all.

Justice (n.) is, ⁠​‌​​​‌​​​‌​‌‌​​​​‌​‌​​‌‌​‌​​‌​​​​​‌‌​​‌​​​‌‌​‌‌​⁠on Foucault's view as Chomsky reads it, a pretext advanced by a class that has or wants power; the revolutionary's task is to win, not to make society more just.

Science (n.) is ⁠​‌​​​‌​​​‌​‌‌​​​​‌​‌​​‌‌​‌​​‌​​​​​‌‌​​‌​​​‌‌​‌‌​⁠a kind of biological miracle: that theories our minds can reach should coincide with true ones happened, it seems, in physics and its extensions — perhaps uniquely.

Science (n.) happens ⁠​‌​​​‌​​​‌​‌‌​​​​‌​‌​​‌‌​‌​​‌​​​​​‌‌​​‌​​​‌‌​‌‌​⁠by luck: when some aspect of reality happens to match one of the possible structures already in our heads, the two coincide enough for an intelligible science.

Science (n.) sometimes ⁠​‌​​​‌​​​‌​‌‌​​​​‌​‌​​‌‌​‌​​‌​​​​​‌‌​​‌​​​‌‌​‌‌​⁠advances by forgetting: whole topics, like the structure of sentences, had to be pretended away for comparative philology to make its great strides.

Science (n.) may ⁠​‌​​​‌​​​‌​‌‌​​​​‌​‌​​‌‌​‌​​‌​​​​​‌‌​​‌​​​‌‌​‌‌​⁠draw its constraints not from the human mind but from outside it: from economics, technology, social forms, relations of production, class struggles.

Politics (n.) is ⁠​‌​​​‌​​​‌​‌‌​​​​‌​‌​​‌‌​‌​​‌​​​​​‌‌​​‌​​​‌‌​‌‌​⁠not feeding and breeding but weaving, in Plato's Statesman: binding contrary virtues and temperaments with the shuttle of opinion into the finest of fabrics.

Politics (n.) has ⁠​‌​​​‌​​​‌​‌‌​​​​‌​‌​​‌‌​‌​​‌​​​​​‌‌​​‌​​​‌‌​‌‌​⁠truth itself as its real question — not error, illusion, alienated consciousness or ideology; hence Nietzsche's importance.

Politics (n.) needs ⁠​‌​​​‌​​​‌​‌‌​​​​‌​‌​​‌‌​‌​​‌​​​​​‌‌​​‌​​​‌‌​‌‌​⁠no reason to be interesting; what needs explaining is the blindness, deafness and density of ideology it would take not to care about it.

Politics (n.) is ⁠​‌​​​‌​​​‌​‌‌​​​​‌​‌​​‌‌​‌​​‌​​​​​‌‌​​‌​​​‌‌​‌‌​⁠what those who turned universities into instruments of government called the students' attempt to free them from outside control.

Truth (n.) is ⁠​‌​​​‌​​​‌​‌‌​​​​‌​‌​​‌‌​‌​​‌​​​​​‌‌​​‌​​​‌‌​‌‌​⁠not the reward of free spirits or the child of long solitude; it is a thing of this world, produced only through multiple constraints, and it induces regular effects of power.

Truth (n.) cannot ⁠​‌​​​‌​​​‌​‌‌​​​​‌​‌​​‌‌​‌​​‌​​​​​‌‌​​‌​​​‌‌​‌‌​⁠be freed from every system of power — that is a chimera, for truth is already power — only detached from its present forms of hegemony.

Truth (n.) is ⁠​‌​​​‌​​​‌​‌‌​​​​‌​‌​​‌‌​‌​​‌​​​​​‌‌​​‌​​​‌‌​‌‌​⁠produced as an effect within discourses that are in themselves neither true nor false.

Truth (n.) is ⁠​‌​​​‌​​​‌​‌‌​​​​‌​‌​​‌‌​‌​​‌​​​​​‌‌​​‌​​​‌‌​‌‌​⁠a system of ordered procedures for producing, regulating, distributing and circulating statements.

Knowledge (n.) is ⁠​‌​​​‌​​​‌​‌‌​​​​‌​‌​​‌‌​‌​​‌​​​​​‌‌​​‌​​​‌‌​‌‌​⁠wide only because it is fenced: the scope of what can be known is tied fundamentally to its limits.

Knowledge (n.) and ⁠​‌​​​‌​​​‌​‌‌​​​​‌​‌​​‌‌​‌​​‌​​​​​‌‌​​‌​​​‌‌​‌‌​⁠power, in their most complex and sophisticated forms, raise a question Foucault expected never to answer: what have they made of us?

Knowledge (n.) is ⁠​‌​​​‌​​​‌​‌‌​​​​‌​‌​​‌‌​‌​​‌​​​​​‌‌​​‌​​​‌‌​‌‌​⁠a collective practice with its own productive power; individuals and their discoveries sit inside rules one can register and describe.

Knowledge (n.) did ⁠​‌​​​‌​​​‌​‌‌​​​​‌​‌​​‌‌​‌​​‌​​​​​‌‌​​‌​​​‌‌​‌‌​⁠not grow in Europe so much as transform: plant and animal classification was rewritten by symbolism, natural history, anatomy and evolution, each time into something different.

State (n.) is, ⁠​‌​​​‌​​​‌​‌‌​​​​‌​‌​​‌‌​‌​​‌​​​​​‌‌​​‌​​​‌‌​‌‌​⁠from its very first policing project, both individualizing and totalitarian; opposing it with the individual is as hazardous as opposing it with the community.

State (n.) cannot, ⁠​‌​​​‌​​​‌​‌‌​​​​‌​‌​​‌‌​‌​​‌​​​​​‌‌​​‌​​​‌‌​‌‌​⁠for all its apparatuses, occupy the whole field of power; it is superstructural, resting on power networks that invest the body, sex, family, knowledge, technology.

State (n.) is ⁠​‌​​​‌​​​‌​‌‌​​​​‌​‌​​‌‌​‌​​‌​​​​​‌‌​​‌​​​‌‌​‌‌​⁠sometimes the criminal: when I do what it calls illegal, I often regard my act as legal and the state as the lawbreaker.

State (n.) must, ⁠​‌​​​‌​​​‌​‌‌​​​​‌​‌​​‌‌​‌​​‌​​​​​‌‌​​‌​​​‌‌​‌‌​⁠under reason of state, hold out for indefinite historical time against rivals who also grow — and a state that merely held on would come to disaster.

History (n.) has ⁠​‌​​​‌​​​‌​‌‌​​​​‌​‌​​‌‌​‌​​‌​​​​​‌‌​​‌​​​‌‌​‌‌​⁠the form of a war rather than a language: relations of power, not relations of meaning.

History (n.) has ⁠​‌​​​‌​​​‌​‌‌​​​​‌​‌​​‌‌​‌​​‌​​​​​‌‌​​‌​​​‌‌​‌‌​⁠no meaning, yet it is not absurd: it is intelligible down to the smallest detail, the way struggles, strategies and tactics are.

History (n.) can ⁠​‌​​​‌​​​‌​‌‌​​​​‌​‌​​‌‌​‌​​‌​​​​​‌‌​​‌​​​‌‌​‌‌​⁠be read like an art lover reads it rather than an antiquarian: looking for what is valuable in the past partly because of where you stand.

Police (n.) once ⁠​‌​​​‌​​​‌​‌‌​​​​‌​‌​​‌‌​‌​​‌​​​​​‌‌​​‌​​​‌‌​‌‌​⁠embraced everything — 'its true object is man': living, active, productive man, his property, trade, illnesses and accidents.

Police (n.) was ⁠​‌​​​‌​​​‌​‌‌​​​​‌​‌​​‌‌​‌​​‌​​​​​‌‌​​‌​​​‌‌​‌‌​⁠meant to give people a little extra life, and so give the state a little extra strength, by controlling their common activities.

Police (n.) was, ⁠​‌​​​‌​​​‌​‌‌​​​​‌​‌​​‌‌​‌​​‌​​​​​‌‌​​‌​​​‌‌​‌‌​⁠for seventeenth-century authors, not an institution inside the state but a whole governmental technology — the domains, techniques and targets where the state intervenes.