Public opinion (n.) sees the press as too servile to power, exactly the reverse of the press's own image.
Public opinion (n.) has quietly put a leash on American war: people who tolerated half a million troops in Vietnam will now accept only a Panama — over in a day.
Public opinion (n.) can defy decades of propaganda: two-thirds of Americans still call Vietnam "fundamentally wrong and immoral," an answer each reached alone, since no educated voice offers it.
Public opinion (n.) is more radical than the left knows: half of Americans think "from each according to his ability, to each according to his needs" must be in the Constitution.
Public opinion (n.) did not move to the right after the war, said a State Department officer; it was moved there — cleverly.
Public opinion (n.) has barely moved outside educated circles: most Americans think the economy inherently unfair and the political system a fraud serving special interests.
Public opinion (n.) against a war was reported as a marketing problem for Washington.
Public opinion (n.) that runs against the elite is either ignored or diagnosed: the public, it turns out, does not recognize its own true interests.
Public opinion (n.) parts from policy wherever business interests are overwhelmingly powerful: the public wants the change and institutions block it.
Public opinion (n.) is dismissed in matters that decide the world's fate: majorities favored a binding climate agreement, and it doesn't matter.
Public opinion (n.) is what business announces: when business speaks, so do politicians and the media, telling the public what it supposedly demands.
Public opinion (n.) is the option excluded in principle: paying attention to what the public wants would undermine the whole point of the enterprise.